Digital Repository for faculty of Economy

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the voting behavior of the Arab countries in the UN General Assembly. arabic 9 English 33
Mustafa Abdalla Abulgasem K.(1-1982)

Italy's migration policy reflects a dynamic process since the early 1990s when human trafficking and illegal migration became salient issues on the national and global levels. Italy migration policy interacts and adapts to the surrounding internal and external environments. As far as the method of this study is concerned, a legitimate question was asked: Is Italy national interest navigates its migration policy more than its global commitments? This study assumes that internal and external elements affect Italy migration policy; therefore, it was divided into four main sections: the internal-external aspects of Italy migration policy outputs, external causes of Italy migration dilemma, continuity and change in Italy migration policy. Since the focus of this study is on the internal-external aspects of Italy migration policy output; the process of making laws and concluding treaties and agreements was described and analyzed through a comparative perspective. Further emphasis was on the impact of globalization, sub-Saharan Africa underdevelopment and Libya instability upon this policy. Several aspects of continuity, e.g., adopting enforced controls approach, and change, e.g., internal and external milieus, are identified. The findings of this study indicate that Italy migration policy is not only succeeded in the process of interacting and responding to the internal-external environments, e. g., concluding the agreement with Libya in 2017, but it also reflects a human dimension, e.g., saving illegal migrants lives overseas. The results of this study largely support the underlying hypothesis that assumes the impact of internal and external elements upon Italy migration policy. Keywords: Illegal migrants, Italian policy, internal and external elements, continuity and change, globalization, Sub-Sahara Africa, underdevelopment, and Libya instability. arabic 13 English 80
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2018)

Libya early practice of legislative process goes back to the years of political independence, when the first popular parliament was elected in 16 February 1952 during the era of the constitutional monarchy. Nevertheless, the era of Gaddafi’s regime (1969 to 2011) resulted in a vacuum of legislative process. The resumption of the Libyan legislative process reoccurred since the early days of the 17th February revolution of 2011; therefore, the National Transitional Council “NTC” was established by revolutionary leaders from different parts of Libya on 27th September, 2011. The most important legal document that was issued by the NTC is the Interim Constitutional Declaration “ICD” on 3 August, 2011, a document that draws the roadmap for the Libyan future. The legislative processes of the NTC, and especially the National General Congress “NGC”, reflected the division of labour technique; thus, permanent, non-permanent and common committees were operational. This study assumes that the Libyan legislative process is a policy influencing rather than an executive dominated branch of government. In order to examine the influence of the NTC and the NGC on public policy, this study is divided into the following sections: the Evolution of Libyan legislative process, the Libyan legislative process, the Influence of the NTC and the NGC, the Future of the legislative process in the new Libya, and a conclusion. The findings of this study support, by and large, the underlying hypothesis that described the NTC and the NGC as policy influencing rather than executive dominated legislative bodies. Keywords: 17th February Revolution, Legislative Process, Internal System, National General Congress, National Transitional Council, House of Representatives, Interim Constitutional Declaration, Government of National Salvation. arabic 19 English 79
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2017)

By the year 2012, the Arab countries suffered from a serious gender gap ranged between 36 and 50%. This wide gender gap is due to several factors that reflected the internal and external milieus. The Arab states succeeded in the process of narrowing down the gap in the health and education spheres, but they obviously failed to do so in the economic and political empowerment. While the economic gender gap reached its peak in the case of Yemen with 49.5%, the lowest women political empowerment (0%) were recorded by Qatar and Saudi Arabia, respectively. In order to describe and analyze the Arab gender gap in the twenty-first century, two independent variables were examined, namely: human development and women empowerment. Theoretically, the gender gap is narrowed down to the maximum by the most human developed countries. But, the data of Human Development Reports (HDRs) and Gender Gap Reports (GGRs) showed that the Arab gender gap is similar in magnitude; therefore, further statistical analysis was required. Statistical analysis of HDRs and GGRs for the year 2012 demonstrated that the Arab Gender Gap (AGG) is more influenced by the level of women empowerment in human development process; thus, the HDIs affected the Gender Gap Index (GGIs) through an intervening variable, namely the Gender Inequality Index (GIIs). Consequently, the Arab states that achieved very high or just high Human Development Index (HDIs) were not necessarily treated women and men equally, especially in the economic and political areas, e.g., Qatar and Saudi Arabia. But, the Arab countries, which exhibited low or medium levels of HDIs and considerable scores of GIIs, succeeded in the process of narrowing down the GGIs to a degree that matched generally the Arab highly or very highly human developed states, e.g., Jordan and Mauritania. Regarding the future of AGG, business as usual scenario is expected to continue, which mean that the Arab states will not be able to change the negative into positive aspects, and shift the threats into opportunities in the near future. Keywords: Arab countries, Arab gender gap, gender gap index, human development index, gender inequality index. arabic 7 English 34
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2015)

Arab's unity is a term used differently by scholars, politicians and laymen alike. While it means, for President Nasser, the act of unification in federal or unitary states, it might be argued that it means also the adaptation of a unified position towards Arab and non-Arab issues. A unified Arab position exists when a cohesive view is exhibited regarding Arab and non-Arab issues. Accordingly, three key questions are raised by this study: Is Arab Unity still considered in the new millennium a salient case for Arab leaders and scholars? Does the issue of unified Arab foreign policy represent an aspect of Arab unity? And what are the most influential factors that affect the process of Arab unity in the new millennium? Although review of the literature reveals that several factors are identified by politicians and scholars as influential elements upon Arab unity, this study assumes that a continuing Arab ideological division is expected to affect negatively the Arab unity process in the new millennium. The results of this study, by and large, support the assumptions underlying the Arab World split into moderate-conservative and revolutionary sub-groups. arabic 6 English 32
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2016)

The Italian intervention in the Libyan Spring Revolution reflects the assumption .of Shift From Soft Power to Hard Power. Italy's position was not clear at the early days of the Libyan revolution. As an old colony, the national security of Libya is highly related to that of Italy, so real politics resulted in Italy participation in the international alliance against Kaddafi regime. arabic 21 English 75
Mustafa Abdalla Abulgasem Kashiem(1-2012)

As a president in charge, Dr. El-Magariaf's speech before the General Assembly of the United laid out the new policy of Libya in the post-Kaddafi era. He mentioned different internal and external issues that facing Libya in the transitional era. arabic 16 English 73
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2012)

The Illegitimacy of Syrian Regime resulted from the abuse of excessive use of power against civilian in the country since 2011. On the international level, there are many UN resolution condemned the Syrian regime in this regard. arabic 4 English 29
Mustafa A. A. Kashiem(1-2012)